Discussion Guide
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Advocate: Discussion Guide Background Information

Background Information

Israeli Occupation

The Israeli occupation entails military rule and control over Palestinian territories and people.[1] Affecting every aspect of Palestinian life, the Israeli military and government determines whether Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza can travel, work, access basic infrastructure needs such as water and electricity, seek appropriate medical care, and protest.[2] Administered primarily through military law, the occupation hinders Palestinians’ freedom of movement through numerous checkpoints and roadblocks. It also impedes Palestinians’ access to farmland, family support networks, income-generating activity, education, and medical care.[3] Many Palestinians experience harassment at Israeli checkpoints as a daily reality, in violation of Palestinians’ basic human rights.[4]

Due to the growth of exclusively Jewish settlements in the occupied West Bank, Palestinians are restricted from accessing land and using particular roads open to Jewish-Israeli settlers, and face shortages of water that is often redirected to Jewish-only settlements.[5] In Gaza, where Israel claims sole authority over airspace, land and border-crossings, and the maritime coast, Palestinians face severe shortages of electricity, clean water, essential goods, and medical supplies. Ongoing house demolitions by the Israeli government in the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem contribute to economic, health, and emotional insecurity.[6] Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank also face the highest unemployment rates in the world, according to a UN report from 2018.[7] Criminalization of Palestinian resistance to the occupation takes place through home raids, extra-judicial imprisonment, and child detention, a theme we see in Advocate.[8] Due to the differential legal and institutional treatment accorded to Palestinians by the Israeli government, the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has recommended Israel to amend or revoke all racially discriminatory legislation that violates the human rights of Palestinian citizens of Israel and Palestinians in the Occupied Territories.[9]

As the longest running military occupation in the modern world, the Israeli occupation is often dated to June 7, 1967 when, following the Six-Day War, the State of Israel occupied the Palestinian territories known as the West Bank and Gaza.[10] However, as a number of scholars have pointed out, the origins of the Israeli occupation of Palestine pre-date 1967, lying in earlier settler colonial events such as the founding of the State of Israel in Palestine and the large-scale migration of predominantly European Jews to Palestine from the late nineteenth century onwards.

Many European Jews began establishing colonies in Palestine in the 1880s in response to European anti-Semitism, while other waves continued through the first half of the twentieth century. Following the 1917 Balfour Declaration, through which the League of Nations placed Palestine under British administration, the British declared Palestine “a national home for the Jewish people” to the exclusion of native Palestinians. During the British Mandate period (1918-1948), Palestine witnessed burgeoning immigration of European Jewish populations, often fleeing anti-Semitic violence, as well as immigration of Middle Eastern Jews. Immigration peaked in the 1930s with the growth of Nazism and fascism.

At the close of World War II, the British ceded decision-making power to the United Nations. In the immediate aftermath of the UN resolution in November 1947 for the partition of Palestine among Jews and native Palestinians, the first Israeli-Palestinian war broke out. This war culminated in the Israeli Declaration of Independence on May 14, 1948, the expulsion, forcing into exile, and fleeing of 750,000 Palestinians, and the creation of the Palestinian refugee population across Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, the West Bank, and Gaza, among other territories. While these events are known as the War of Independence by Israelis, Palestinians refer to it as al-Nakba, meaning “catastrophe,” as Israeli forces destroyed 418 Palestinian villages, preventing a now refugee population from returning to their homes.[11]

Legal Discrimination and Cultural Erasure

Following the Palestinian Nakba of 1948, 150,000 Palestinians remained inside what then became known as Israel. Today there are 1.6 million Palestinian citizens of Israel, comprising twenty percent of the population.[12] Over sixty-five laws in Israel discriminate against Palestinian citizens of Israel, imposing strict measures on Palestinians’ political, civil, social, legal, cultural, and land and housing rights.[13] Because Israel formally defines itself as “the state of the Jewish people,” Jews are granted dominance and privilege in all aspects of institutional and political life.[14]

Politically, Palestinian citizens of Israel have been absent from every ruling coalition of political parties since 1948. Within government ministries, only two out of 648 ministerial appointments have ever been made to Palestinian citizens of Israel[1]. Outside of formal decision-making arenas, government policies discriminate against Palestinian-Israelis who wish to settle and develop land. Despite comprising twenty percent of the population, Palestinians own only 2.5 percent of public land. In comparison, the State of Israel and the “quasi-governmental” Jewish National Fund own ninety-three percent of the land, and actively restrict Palestinian citizens’ ability to buy and use land.[15]

Beyond formal political exclusions, Palestinians face cultural and linguistic erasure. In contrast, exclusively Jewish symbols--such as the national flag, national celebration of Jewish holidays and historical events, and the predominance of Hebrew--pervade all aspects of public life. In contrast, the Arabic names of Palestinian villages destroyed in 1948, and the ongoing lack of recognition of Palestinian villages, contribute to the erasure of Palestinian history and collective life.[16] While Arabic is an official state language, it is used only occasionally in a formal capacity alongside Hebrew.[17] One example of Israeli historical erasure of Palestinian collective identity is the 2011 “Nakba Bill,” which financially penalizes organizations and institutions that mark Israeli Independence Day as the Palestinian Nakba.[18] Most recently, Israel’s 2018 Israeli Nation-State Law declares that Arabic is no longer an official language and that Jews “have an exclusive right to national self-determination,” while promoting Jewish settlement throughout historic Palestine.[19]

The formally ethno-racial nature of the state has widespread impacts on other non-Jewish populations as well, such as migrant workers from South and Southeast Asia and Eastern Europe,[20] and Eritrean and Sudanese asylum seekers.[21]

The Case of Ahmad Mansara

The documentary focuses on Lea Tsemel’s defense of Ahmad Mansara (alternatively spelled Ahmed Mansarah), a 13-year-old Palestinian. Ahmad is arrested after allegedly helping Hassan, his 15-year-old cousin, attack a teenager and man in Pisgat Ze’ev, an Israeli settlement in occupied East Jerusalem. While Ahmad’s cousin is killed by Israeli police, footage captures Ahmad--who is run over by an Israeli driver as he tries to flee and is seriously injured-- being arrested amidst bystanders shouting and urging the police to kill him.[22] At the time of Ahmad’s arrest, Israeli law prohibited imprisoning children under the age of fourteen.[23] The documentary captures Ahmad’s journey through the Israeli court system, including leaked footage of his interrogation where several adults are seen yelling at Ahmad, to the media’s portrayal of Ahmad as a terrorist, to ultimately his initial 12-year prison sentence for attempted murder.[24] Following this case, in August 2016, the Israeli parliament passed legislation that allows Israeli authorities to imprison minors as young as 12 years old for serious crimes.[25]

Sources

[1] Amnesty International. Destination: Occupation. Amnesty International, 2015, https://www.amnesty.org/download/Documents/MDE1594902019ENGLISH.PDF Accessed 1 July 2020.

[2] “Living Conditions of the Palestinian People in the Occupied Territories.” United Nations, 1985, https://www.un.org/unispal/document/auto-insert-199702. Accessed 28 June 2020; Giacaman, Rita et. al. “Mental Health, Social Distress and Political Oppression: The Case of the Occupied Palestinian Territory.” Global Public Health, vol. 6, no. 5, 2011, pp. 547-559.; “Economic and social repercussions of the Israeli occupation on the living conditions of the Palestinian people in the occupied Palestinian territory, including Jerusalem, and of the Arab population in the occupied Syrian Golan.” United Nations, 2007, https://www.un.org/unispal/document/auto-insert-187519/. Accessed 27 June 2020.

[3] “Restrictions on Movement.” B’Tselem: The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, 2007, https://www.btselem.org/freedom_of_movement. Accessed 22 June 2020; Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. “Restrictions on the movement of people and goods within the West Bank.” United Nations, 2005, https://www.un.org/unispal/document/auto-insert-203620/. Accessed 22 June 2020.

[4] Shalhoub-Kevorkian, Nadera. “The Politics of Birth and the Intimacies of Violence Against Palestinian Women in Occupied East Jerusalem.” The British Journal of Criminology, vol. 55, no. 6, 2015, pp. 1187-1206.; “Routine harassment: Israeli military blocks access roads to 4 Palestinian villages in March-April 2019.” B’Tselem: The Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, 2019, https://www.btselem.org/freedom_of_movement/20190520_military_blocks_access_roads_to_four_villages. Accessed 30 June 2020.

[5] UN OCHA. How Dispossession Happens. OCHA, 2012, https://docs.google.com/viewerng/viewer?url=https://www.ochaopt.org/sites/default/files/ocha_opt_springs_report_march_2012_english.pdf. Accessed 23 June 2020.; Handel, Ariel. “Gated/Gating Community: The Settlement Complex in the West Bank.” Transactions, vol. 39, no. 4, 2014, pp. 504-517.

[6]Shalhoub-Kevorkian, Nadera. “The Political Economy of Children's Trauma: A Case Study of House Demolition in Palestine.” Feminism & Psychology, 19, no. 3, 2009, pp. 335-342.

[7]United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. “Occupied Palestinian Territory Has World’s Highest Unemployment Rate – UNCTAD Report.” United Nations, 2018, https://unctad.org/en/pages/PressRelease.aspx?OriginalVersionID=467#:~:text=%E2%80%8BUnemployment%20in%20the%20Occupied,report%20on%20its%20assistance%20to. Accessed 23 June 2020.

[8] Levy, Gideon and Alex Levac. “The Palestinian Village that Never Sleeps (Due to Nighttime Israeli Army Raids).” Haaretz, 15 July, 2020, https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/palestinians/.premium-the-palestinian-village-that-never-sleeps-due-to-nighttime-israeli-army-raids-1.8530413. Accessed 23 June 2020.; United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner, “Press Briefing Notes on Israel/OPT and Democratic Republic of the Congo.” UN Human Rights, 2015, https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=15817&LangID=E. Accessed 23 June 2020.; The Impact of Child Detention: Occupied Palestinian Territory. Save the Children Sweden and East Jerusalem YMCA Rehabilitation Center, 2012, https://resourcecentre.savethechildren.net/sites/default/files/documents/5720.pdf. Accessed 23 June 2020.

[9] UN Human Rights, “Press Briefing Notes”

[10] UNHCR. “Occupied Palestinian Territory: UN Expert Calls for Decisive Response to End Israel’s Ooccu-Annexation.’” UN Human Rights, 2019, “https://www.un.org/unispal/document/special-rapporteur-on-the-situation-of-human-rights-in-the-opt-calls-for-decisive-response-to-end-israels-occu-annexation-statement/. Accessed 25 June 2020.; Bowman, Jeremy. “1967 War: Six Days that Changed the Middle East.” BBC News, 5 June 2017, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-39960461. Accessed 25 June 2020.

[11] Khalidi, Walid. All that Remains: The Palestinian Villages Occupied and Depopulated by Israel in 1948. Institute for Palestine Studies, 1992.

[12] “Palestinian Citizens of Israel.” Institute for Middle East Understanding, 2018, https://imeu.org/topic/category/palestinian-citizens-of-israel#:~:text=Today%2C%20there%20are%20approximately%201.6,of%20the%20total%20Israeli%20population. Accessed 23 June 2020.

[13] “The Discriminatory Laws Database.” Adalah: The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel, 2017, https://www.adalah.org/en/content/view/7771. Accessed 22 June 2020.

[14] Knesset of Israel. “Basic Law: Israel-- The Nation State of the Jewish People.” Knesset of Israel, 2018, https://knesset.gov.il/laws/special/eng/BasicLawNationState.pdf.; Knesset of Israel. “Basic Law: The Knesset (5718-1958), Knesset of Israel, 2015, https://www.knesset.gov.il/laws/special/eng/basic2_eng.htm. Accessed 24 June 2020.; United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. “In Dialogue with Israel, Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination Urges Greater Inclusion and Protection of Minorities and all Those Under Israeli Jurisdiction, Including in the Occupied Territories.” UN Human Rights, 2015, https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=25400&LangID=E. Accessed 25 June 2020.

[15] “Discrimination Against Palestinian Citizens of Israel.” Institute for Middle East Understanding, 2011, https://imeu.org/article/discrimination-against-palestinian-citizens-of-israel. Accessed June 24, 2020.

[16] Pirinolli, Christine. “ERASING PALESTINE TO BUILD ISRAEL: LANDSCAPE TRANSFORMATION AND THE ROOTING OF NATIONAL IDENTITIES.” Etudes Rurales, vol. 173-174, no. 1, 2005, pp. 67-85; Benvenisti, Meron. Sacred Landscape: The Buried History of the Holy Land Since 1948. University of California Press, 2000.

[17] Yiftachel, Oren. Ethnocracy: Land and Identity Politics in Israel/Palestine. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006.

[8] Kremnitzer, Mordechai and Amir Fuchs. “The Nakba Bill: A Test of the Democratic Nature of the Jewish and Democratic State.” The Israel Democracy Institute, 2011, https://en.idi.org.il/articles/6894. Accessed 26 June 2020.

[19] Knesset of Israel. “Basic Law: Israel-- The Nation State of the Jewish People.” Knesset of Israel, 2018, https://knesset.gov.il/laws/special/eng/BasicLawNationState.pdf. Accessed 26 June 2020.; Ben-Youssef, Nadia and Sandra Samaan Tamari. “Enshrining Discrimination: Israel’s Nation-State Law.” Journal of Palestine Studies, vol. 48, no. 1, 2018, pp. 73-87.

[20]Migrant Workers in Israel: A Contemporary Form of Slavery. Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network and International Federation for Human Rights, 2003, https://www.fidh.org/IMG/pdf/il1806a.pdf. Accessed 23 Feb 2013.; “Migrant Workers.” Association for Civil Rights in Israel, https://law.acri.org.il/en/category/democracy-and-civil-liberties/migrant-workers/. Accessed 22 June 2020.; Willen, Sarah S. (ed.). Transnational Migration to Israel in Global Comparative Context. Plymouth, UK: Lexington Books, 2007.

[21] Paz, Yonathan. Ordered Disorder: African Asylum Seekers in Israel and Discursive Challenges to an Emerging Refugee Regime. UNHCR, 2011, https://www.unhcr.org/en-us/research/working/4d7a26ba9/ordered-disorder-african-asylum-seekers-israel-discursive-challenges-emerging.html. Accessed 22 June 2020.; Shamai, Michal and and Yair Amir. “Not the Promised Land: African Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Israel.” Qualitative Health Research , vol. 26, no. 4, 2015, pp. 504-517.

[22] Baker, Luke. “Viral Video Puts Israelis and Palestinians at Sharp Odds.” Reuters, 15 October, 2015, https://www.reuters.com/article/us-israel-palestinians-videos/viral-video-puts-israelis-and-palestinians-at-sharp-odds-idUSKCN0S91RF20151015. Accessed 4 July 2020.

[23] Dearden, Lizzie. “Israel Approves New Law to Jail Child ‘Terrorists’ As Young as 12.”Independent, 3 August, 2016, https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/israel-approves-new-law-to-jail-palestinian-child-terrorists-as-young-as-12-human-rights-stabbings-a7170641.html. Accessed 4 July 2020.

[24] Brooks, Geraldine. “The Dovekeeper and the Children’s Intifada.” The New Yorker, 27 May, 2017, https://www.newyorker.com/books/page-turner/the-dovekeeper-and-the-childrens-intifada. Accessed 4 July 2020.

[25] Dearden, Lizzie. “Israel Approves New Law to Jail Child ‘Terrorists’ As Young as 12.”Independent, 3 August, 2016, https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/israel-approves-new-law-to-jail-palestinian-child-terrorists-as-young-as-12-human-rights-stabbings-a7170641.html. Accessed 4 July 2020.

About the author:

Rachel Brown

Rachel Brown is an Assistant Professor in Women, Gender, and Sexuality Studies at Washington University in St. Louis. Her work and teaching address feminist and queer theory, migration, transnational feminist solidarity, and settler colonialism. Brown's writing has appeared in Feminist Theory, Political Theory, International Feminist Journal of Politics, and Global Networks. She is working on a book manuscript about migrant care and domestic workers in Palestine/Israel. She is a co-host of the Always Already Podcast, a critical theory podcast with a transnational listenership across the humanities and social sciences.

Rachel Brown

Siddhant Issar

Siddhant Issar is a Ph.D. candidate in the Department of Political Science at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. His writing has been published or is forthcoming in Contemporary Political Theory, The Black Scholar, Public Seminar, and an edited volume on Rosa Luxemburg. He is also a co-host of the Always Already Podcast. Issar is currently working on his dissertation, which thinks with the Movement for Black Lives to develop a critical theory of racial capitalism.

Siddhant Issar